Sources: Sin Chaeho – ‘History of Ancient Joseon Culture’ (on the Sam’rang 三郞 > Jo’ui 皂衣 / hwarang lineage)

Sin Chaeho (1880-1936) is popularly regarded as the father of modern nationalist historiography and is remembered as one of the few early modern intellectuals who refused to submit to, or accept, the Japanese colonization of Korea, devoting his life to the Korean resistance movement in China, ultimately to die in a Japanese prison in Dalian.

Below is a translation of the second installment/chapter of Sin Chaeho’s Joseon-sanggo-munhwa-sa (朝鮮上古文化史 ‘History of Ancient Joseon Culture’) which was originally serialized in the Joseon-ilbo newspaper in 40 installments between 15 October ~ 3 December 1931, and then 27-31 May 1932). This work was the immediate follow up to his better known magnum opus, Joseon-sanggo-sa (朝鮮上古史 ‘History of Ancient Joseon’) in which he argued the legendary state of Old Joseon to have been an ancient continental empire responsible for most of Chinese civilization.

Forgetting that, this self-contained chapter is both interesting in itself and highly representative of Sin’s creative, nationalist historiography; today his emotive writing is largely dismissed for its obvious methodological weaknesses but it remains influential on the public imagination and popular history books of a certain persuasion. There was also no small creative genius at work.

In this chapter he seeks to establish the ‘lost history’ of the Goguryeo hwarang order – attested only as a Silla institution – projecting shared origins back to folkloric legends of the ancient Sam’rang (三郞) associated with the Dan’gun myth, and tracing their subsequent decline and remnants through to the modern era.

As well reflected in this chapter, Sin’s core historiographical strategy was to blame Korea’s contemporary predicament under Japanese colonization on the preceding centuries under Sinocentric Neo-Confucian dogma which had consequently weakened Korea’s independent spirit; a key element of this explanation was a conspiracy style theory that the compiler of the Samguk-sagi (1145), Kim Busik,  had actively created an anti-nativist pro-Chinese history, and sought to destroy all alternative histories after its completion. It should be stated that this theory involved a large degree of oversimplification and active mischaracterization of Kim Busik and the Samguk-sagi but, again, has remained highly influential in the popular imagination.

The translation below is based on a modern Korean edition (referenced below), which translates Sin’s ye olde early C20th mixed-script Korean into easier-to-read contemporary Korean.

Sin Chaeho, Danjae 단재 신채호; Bak Gibong 박기봉 (translator). 2007. 『조선상고 문화사』 [Joseon sanggo munhwasa]. Seoul: 비봉출판사 [bibong-chulpansa].

This chapter may also be interesting to compare with that of Choe Namseon who also sought to place the Hwarang in a broader diachronic perspective.

History of Ancient Joseon/Korean Culture – Chapter 2: The Sam’rang (三郞) tour (巡遊) and transmission of Seon-gyo (仙敎)

According to legend, Sam’rang-seong (三郞城 ‘three lad fortress’) on Mani-san (摩尼山) mountain, Ganghwa-do island, was constructed by three sons of Dan’gun; the Jecheon-dan (祭天壇 ‘celetial rites altar’) is where Dan’gun performed sacrificial rites to heaven. It is truly wondrous (기이하다) that the small fortress and [its tradition] have been transmitted over four millennia.

The poem Sam’rang-seong by Yi Sukcheom (李叔詹) of the Goryeo dynasty [contains the line] “Fishermen and firewood collecting children still call it the Old Celestial Capital” (漁樵猶說舊天京); that they referred to this lonely and remote place as a ‘celestial capital’, holding it in such regard is still more wondrous.

All that remains of the Sam’rang’s history is the construction of this fortress, however, during Silla and Goryeo, they erected Sam’rang-sa (三郞寺) temples and worshipped them; this too is still more wondrous.

However, it is not simply because of the fortress that the name of the Sam’rang was transmitted. If it had been only because of the fortress, how would they have come to be worshipped and held aloft in this way? Although it is not recorded in previous histories, it must be because the Hwarang (花郞) of Silla and Seon’in (仙人) of Goguryeo all traced their origins to the Sam’rang.

There is also no one of recent times who knows the origins of the Jo’ui (皂衣); only the circumstances (사실) of the Hwarang are recorded in the Samguk-sagi as follows.

“In Silla they were concerned that it was not possible to identify men of talent, so they organized them into groups for recreation. After observing their behaviour and righteousness, they would select them for employment. Choosing boys of beautiful appearance, they adorned them and called them Hwa’rang (花郞 ‘flower lad’)… By these means they could distinguish between good and bad persons.” {Samguk-sagi “Kim Heum’un-jeon” 金歆運傳 account}

On account of this passage, people are led to believe that the Hwarang were [the product] of a Silla [Confucian style] civil service examination (科擧法), but this is because we have been deceived by Kim Busik {金富軾 1075-1151 – Samguk-sagi compiler} and so do not know the true identity (참모습 lit. ‘true shape’) of the Hwarang.

The Hwarang [tradition] had [in fact] been both the soul of religion and the heart of national purity (國粹) passed down from the time of Dan’gun, but despite this, around the end of Silla and beginning of Goryeo they were obliterated by Confucians and even their history was lost.

According to the Yeoji-seungnam (輿地勝覽 {late C15th geography – still extant}), “The stele of the Sa-rang (四郞 ‘four lads’) was smashed to pieces by Ho Jongdan (胡宗旦) and only the turtle support stone (龜趺) remains.” Through this the obliteration of the Hwarang by Confucians can be openly (正面) observed. According to the Goryeo-sa (高麗史), “Because Seongjong (成宗 r.981-997) liked Chinese customs (華風) and hated worship, Yi Jibaek (李知白) sought to revive Hwarang groups/gatherings (花郞會).” {source??} Through this the obliteration of the Hwarang by Confucians can be indirectly (反面) observed.

In the case of Samguk-sagi (三國史記 ‘history of the Three Kingdoms’) compiler, Kim Busik, we can know that his extreme [anti-Hwarang] bias was even stronger than that of Seongjong or Ho Jongdan.

At the time of compiling the so-called ‘History of the Three Kingdoms’, he [actively] omitted facts concerning the Hwarang and their origins. In the Goryeo-sa ({高麗史 ‘history of Goryeo’ 1451} written a hundred years after Kim Busik’s Samguk-sagi ), Yeong-rang, An-rang, Nam-rang and Sul-rang (永郞·安郞·南郞·述郞) [who comprised] the Sa-rang (四郞), were elevated as the ‘Four Sages’ (四聖), however, Kim did not even transmit this fact [of their existence]. The fact that whenever the ‘way of the Hwarang’ (花郞의 道) was lectured upon, there would be several thousand listeners is recorded in the Joseon dynasty Jeompilje-jip (佔畢齊集 {collected works of Kim Jongjik 金宗直 1431-92}) which was compiled three hundred years after Kim, however, Kim wrote nothing about the influence exerted by the Hwarang. Throwing away the Seon-sa (仙史 ‘history of the seon ‘ {attested in Samguk-sagi entry for King Jinheung 眞興王 year 37}) in which the origin of the Hwarang was recorded, he barely quoted a few opening lines from Choe Go’un’s (崔孤雲 {Choe Chiwon 崔致遠}) Nallang-bi (鸞郞碑序) stele text; omitting the holy accomplishments (聖蹟) of two hundred Hwarang, he described only the military achievements of four or five such as Sadaham (斯多含 {general who effected the military subjugation of Dae Gaya – modern Goryeong – in 562}). This is sufficient to see his inner hatred of the Hwarang.

Why is it, then, that Kim recorded even a few lines in the Samguk-sagi ?

It is for no other reason than that at the time, foreigners (Chinese) [already] knew many stories of the Hwarang and Tang Chinese recorded them in such works as Dazhong-yishi (大中遺事) and Xinluo-guoji (新羅國記) {both by Ling Hucheng 令狐澄}; inside of Korea the Hwarang stelai could be smashed and works such as Hwarang-segi and Seon-sa could be destroyed, but that which was transmitted in foreign lands was beyond Kim’s control {능력 lit. ‘ability’}. Also the Hwarang history which had been recorded by foreigners was rough and the words close to ridicule, so even if they were transmitted they would not be a match for Confucians’ [historiography] so Kim considered there to have been no necessity [to include] these matters and omitted all facts concerning the Hwarang. For this reason, the Korean records {역사 ‘history’} of the Hwarang were not included and only those in foreign counties were included in an abridged fashion, and this is what we read today.

Ah, how sad! The stories of the Hwarang appearing in the Samguk-sagi which are read by us Hwarang descendents today, is that which was contemptuously recorded by the brushes of Chinese. How can we know the true identity of the Hwarang from this?

Concerning the Jo’ui (皂衣) of Goguryeo, Kim Busik quoted the Suishu (隨書) and simply observed that there were Jo’ui seon’in (皂衣仙人 – also called Yeseok seon’in 翳屬仙人) in Goguryeo; the [Samguk-sagi] “Myeong’rimdapbu-jeon” (明臨答夫傳 account speaks of Yeonna-jo’ui Myeong’rim-dapbu (椽那皂衣明臨答夫), but it does not say what the Jo’ui were.

{NB Myeong’rim-dapbu is attested with the title of Jo’ui, not in his biographical account, but in the Goguryeo Annal entry for King Chadae 次大王 year twenty [165], where he is recorded as assassinating the tyrant king on behalf of the people.

{Yeseok seon’in 翳屬仙人 is attested in the Samguk-sagi treatise for Goguryeo titles, where, in the next sentence, citing the Xin-Tangshu, Jo’ui are described as seon’in 仙人. The actual Xin-Tangshu entry is “帛衣頭大兄,所謂帛衣者,先人也”.}

However, the Gaoli-tujing (高麗圖經 {still extant first hand account of Goryeo by Xu Jing 徐兢 1091-1153 who visited in 1123}) records, “The Jaega-hwasang (在家和尙 {lit. ‘at home monks’ i.e. who have not left their families for a temple}) neither wear gasa (袈裟) Buddhist robes, nor maintain precepts (佛戒); wearing white ramie clothes, they bind their wastes with black silk.[..] Residing in common houses {민가, original just has ‘home/room’ 室} they have families. They always put their energies into public projects, such as cleaning the roads, or repairing drainage systems. If war occurs they take their own rations and form units; in war they are all brave and always lead the van. In actuality they are former convicts and so have shaven heads; because this is similar to Buddhists they are called Hwasang (和尙).”

{Original passage from Gaoli-tujing 

在家和尙。不服袈裟。不持戒律。白紵窄衣。束腰皁帛。徒跣以行。間有穿履者。自爲居室。娶婦鞠子。其於公上。負載器用。掃除道路。開治溝洫。修築城室。悉以從事。邊陲有警。則團結而出。雖不閑於馳逐。然頗壯勇。其趨軍旅之事。則人自褁糧。故國用不費。而能戰也。聞中間契丹。爲麗人所敗。正賴此輩。其實刑餘之役人。夷人。以其髡削鬚髮。而名和尙耳。(宣和奉使高麗圖經卷第十八)

Jaega-hwasang do not wear gasa and do not maintain precepts. Wearing white ramie clothes, they bind their waists with black silk. They walk barefooted, though some wear shoes. Constructing their own homes, they take a wife and raise children. They devote themselves to [such public tasks as] carrying items for the authorities, sweeping the roads, repairing the drains, and fixing and building the city walls and homes. If there is a nearby alert, they form groups and set out; although they are not familiar with galloping [a horse] they are quite strong and brave. When they go on military expeditions, they prepare their own rations so they are able to go to war without being a cost to the state. [I] have heard that the Khitan’s defeat by Goryeo people was precisely thanks {lit. ‘reliant’} to this group. They are actually convicted criminals. The Koreans {lit. 夷人 ‘Yi barbarian people’} shave their beards and heads and call them Hwasang.}

These are the remaining tradition (遺風) of the Goguryeo Jo’ui (皂衣 ‘black clothing’). They were called Jo’ui because they wore [the same] black silk around their waists; in Chinese histories they are also referred to as Baek’i (帛衣 Ch. Boyi ‘silk clothing’). And because seon’in believe in a different doctrine (敎) to Buddhism, they were referred to as Jaega-hwasang.

Thus the Jo’ui of Goguryeo were the martial soul (武魂), no less so than the Hwarang of Silla. With a firm belief in the state (국가) they regarded life and death lightly; they sacrificed their bodies for the common good (公益) without concern for worldly matters or renown. During peace time they trained their bodies through labour; because their bodies were in oil (?? 몸을 기름에 있어서는) they prioritized (위주) health and bravery and so were brave when at war. Because Myeong’rim-dapbu led such a group, he was easily successful in [his] regional revolution.

After visiting Goryeo and observing and hearing of these such matters, [Gaoli-tujing author] Xu Jing recorded them; how is it possible that during the same time Kim Busik could not have read or heard of the Hwarang’s history?! In order to [force] citizens to wear the tinted glasses of Confucians, he omitted all of Silla’s Hwarang history except a few lines recorded by a foreigner; concerning the Jo’ui he merely cited the Suishu and recorded just the name.

If we first look at {unreferenced} research concerning this, in Goguryeo history, seon’in (先人 ‘forebears’) were referred to as seon’in (仙人 ‘Daoist immortal/faerie’); both terms are phonetic [Sinic] renderings for the pure Korean (우리말) term seonbi (선비 {conventionally a word for ‘scholar’}). In the [Samguk-sagi] Silla music treatise (樂志), Hwarang are termed as Do’ryeong (徒領), which is a phonetic rendering of the Korean term do’ryeong (도령 ‘young man’). In later times the social status of Seon’in (先人) sunk and so the term for them was changed to Jaega-hwasang, whilst the name seonbi was taken by Confucians [to refer to themselves with the common meaning of ‘scholar’].

Also, in later times, the Hwarang became officials (벼슬아치) responsible for all genres of music and thus were [merely] in charge of one giye ‘artistic skill’ (技藝 ) of gamu ‘song and dance’ (歌舞 – {original annotation} giye was a subdiscipline 科 of gamu or hak’ye 學藝). The term do’ryeong-nim (도령님) was stolen by the [Confucian] yangban literati [as the respectful term for address of an unmarried yangban]. The social status of Jo’ui sank earlier than Hwarang and so at the time of Xu Jing, it was already a figurative term for formerly convicted criminals.

Concerning both the Hwarang (i.e. gwangdae {廣大 a non-reverential term for ‘public entertainer’}) who remain in the Eight Provinces [of Korea] today, and the Jaega-hwasang who remain in North Hamgyeong-do province {far northeastern Korea}, not only are their roots not known to others, but even they have forgotten the fact that they were once the heart (중심) of the state; for these circumstances the crime of the ruling classes including the monarchy, and of historians is great.

How could we in times subsequent to Kim Busik discover the facts about the Hwarang and Jo’ui that he failed to record? [How can we] find their origins? If we gather the remaining fragmentary accounts from the ‘old records’ (古記 {an uninformative term often used in the Samguk-sagi}) and search between the lines (反面) of the Samguk-sagi, then we can [at least] obtain something similar.

The line recorded in the Goguryeo history {SS Goguryeo annal} “Pyeongyang was the home of Seon’in Wanggeom” (平壤者仙人王儉之宅) would have been the first line of the Silla’s Seon-sa (仙史). Idu (吏讀文) script which uses Chinese characters for their phonetic value, was first created during the time of Buyeo and Goguryeo; at that time, a character would be used either for its beginning or end sound value, and two or three characters would be combined to create a single [syllable] sound. Both seon’in (先人) and seon’in (仙人) use two characters to form the seon [syllable] in seonbi.

During Silla, [phonetic] idu developed to a relative degree, however, it was only fully used for [verbal] endings, e.g. wi-ni 爲尼 → hani 하니, wi-ya 爲也 → haya/hayeo 하야·하여, but nouns most often used Chinese characters for their semantic value. As a result Saro (斯盧) was changed to Silla (新羅 {‘new net’?}), whilst monarchal titles geoseogan (居西干) or nisageum (尼師今) were changed to dae-wang (大王 ‘great king’). The Hwarang also developed at this time, and Seon-sa was written.

In later times, the [rendering of the] noun seon’in (先人 ‘forebear’) was dropped and only seon’in (仙人 ‘faerie/immortal’) was used; thus Seon’in Wanggeom (仙人王儉 ‘faerie Wanggeom’) is the same as [*]Seon’in Wanggeom (先人王儉 ‘forebear Wanggeom’) who was Dan’gun (檀君), none other than the founding ancestor (始祖) of the Jo’ui seon’in (皂衣先人).

The name Hwarang, too, was originally not hwarang; [rather], because it was seon’in (先人 ‘forebear’) the history of their origin was named Seon-sa (仙史 ‘faerie history’). As a result, even the “Hwarang-gi” (花郞記) record in the Samguk-yusa says Great King Jinheung (眞興王 {r.540-576}) worshipped sinseon (神仙 ‘holy faeries’) and created the Hwarang, but this misunderstood that the creation of the Hwarang was [itself an act of] venerating the sinseon.

However, subsequently due to concern for terms [phonetically rendered] such as seon’in and sinseon being confused with Chinese Xianjiao (仙敎: 道敎 Dao-jian {i.e. Daoism}), specific nouns such as gukseon (國仙 ‘nation faerie’) and hwarang (花郞 ‘flower lad’) were created, where the seon of gukseon is the phonetic rendering of the seon (先) of seon’in (先人 ‘forebear’), whilst the rang of Hwarang is a semantic rendering of seon’in.

However, those reading history in later generations have always confused this distinction. Thus in entries in Yeoji-seungnam for Gangneung (江陵) and Yang’yang (襄陽) which include poems and such by literati composed after observing the remains associated with the Four Hwarang Sages (四聖), they conflate them with Daoist notions of alchemy (金丹) or ‘the soul’s liberation from a corpse [to become a Daoist immortal]’ (尸解), and gukseon are understood as a school of Daoism.

Even if one explains that the seon (仙) of Seon’in Wanggeom is the seon of gukseon, of seonbi and our seon-gyo (仙敎 ‘seon religion’), and not the xian of Chinese Xianjiao (仙敎), who today would believe this?! Ah, that the downfall of the nation (國粹) has come to this!

Sam’rang (三郞), too, previous to Goguryeo would definitely have been called the Sam-seon (三仙) or Sam-seon’in (三仙人), and not Sam’rang, but in Silla with seon’in being called rang (郞) they were changed to Sam’rang, and the Sam’rang-sa temple was constructed in which they were worshipped.

Consequently, Dan’gun was the first seonbi appearing in the Seon-sa (仙史), whilst the Sam’rang are the first do’ryeong. Sam’rang-seong was a fortification constructed by the Goguryeo Jo’ui who, during a ceremonial tour/pilgrimage (巡禮) of the country (국토) found the site suitably strategic for the nation’s defence.

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Sources: Yun Naehyeon “Our Ancient History” – How was our minjok’s advancement into outside [regions] in the ancient period?

The following is a translation of the fourth chapter of part IV from Yun Naehyeon’s Our Ancient History.

4. How was our minjok‘s penetration/advancement into outside [regions] (대외진출) in the ancient period?

History textbooks and general surveys (개설서) have focused on our minjok’s internal (국내) activities and so they have neglected external/foreign (대외활동) activities. As a result it has become assumed (인식되다) that from ancient times we were a minjok living (영위하다) passive lives. However the facts are not so.

It can be observed from our ancient history that Old Joseon was a large country encompassing (아우르다) both the Korean peninsula and the whole of Manchuria, and the countries which succeeded it were all extremely active in foreign affairs (대외활동). A part of the Suksin people (肅愼族 Ch. Sushen) who themselves constitute a part of our minjok, migrated to Primorsky Krai (연해주) [region] and established a country called Eumnu (挹婁 Ch. Yilou) whilst a part of the Buyeo people (夫餘族) migrated to a region of Siberia north of Primorsky Krai and established a country called Dumangnu (豆莫婁 Ch. Doumolou). [In this manner] the active territory of our minjok was expanded towards the northeast [all the way] up to Primorsky Krai and Siberia.

Founded in today’s Liaodong (遼東), Goguryeo once invaded [all the way] to Taiyuan (太原) of [China’s] Shanxi province (山西省); it reclaimed the western part of present day [sic because it no longer exists] Liaoxi (遼西) which had been former land of Old Joseon, and sought to restore the ‘order under heaven’ (천하질서) of Old Joseon with its territory extending to the vicinity of Beijing. Generally it is said that the territory of Goguryeo extended [only] up to the Liao river (遼河) but this is a mistake.

There are often people who speak as though our minjok [displayed only] a passive stance having only ever defended [itself] against invasions of other minjok, but this is not at all the case. In wars against the Eastern Han, Goguryeo was often victorious and it won nearly all of the major wars. These facts are clearly recorded in the “Dongyi Accounts” (東夷列傳) of the Houhanshu and the “Goguryeo Basic Annals” of the Samguk-sagi.

In later times the war in which [Goguryeo] General Eulji Mundeok was victorious against Sui Emperor Yang (隋煬帝) pushed the Sui country [dynasty] towards collapse. At the time, Goguryeo was a powerful eastern country whose enormous territory included today’s [sic] Liaoxi region; Sui country was extremely afraid of Goguryeo and so they thought their own country would not be safe if Goguryeo were left alone.

This is why Sui emperor Yang thought that he must attack (치다) Goguryeo even if it meant risking the fate of the country. At the time the standing army of Sui was 1,130,000 [men] but this figure was exaggerated to two million, [however Yang’s army] enlisted four million men. In order to attack Goguryeo, Sui mobilized close to some 5,130,000 men.

If he mobilized 5,130,000 able men, no matter how large a population they had, it was a war that inevitably risked the [wider] fate of the country. In this manner of war Sui emperor Yang suffered a crushing defeat against the small Goguryeo military led by Eulji Mundeok.

Internally, able men were regularly being mobilized for corvée duty on construction works such as the Grand Canal and so the agricultural economy became impoverished; with dissatisfaction rising over this; when [Sui] suffered a crushing defeat against Goguryeo, an uprising occurred in Sui against the imperial house (황실). As a result Sui collapsed.

Consequently General Eulji Mundeok’s victory did not stop simply at having defended against the Sui invasion but [it] pushed Sui all the way to collapse. Goguryeo led a large victory that ‘left a path in history’ {or the history of war} [through the] war in which with a small military strength, it repelled Sui who had mobilized the largest number of people [for an army] in world history.

Before the establishing of Sui country, at the time when Goguryeo restored the present day [sic] region of Liaoxi which was the former land of Old Joseon and made it its own territory, Baekje [people] were crossing the ocean and occupying the east coastland region of China. In 246 during the period of the Chinese Three Kingdoms (Wei 魏, Shu 蜀 and Wu 吳), the governor of You province (幽州刺史) Guanqiu Jian (毌丘儉) of Wei country invaded Goguryeo and reached the capital of Hwando-seong (丸都城). At this time, taking advantage of the empty You province, Baekje had jwajang ‘general of the left’ Jin Chung (左將 眞忠) attack it and establish the Baekje commandery (百濟郡) in the region of Beijing and Tianjin (天津). Subsequently Baekje widened its power southwards advancing not only into the regions of Shandong (山東星), Gansu (江蘇省) and Zhejiang (浙江省) provinces, but also the region of the Guangxi Zhuang Autonomous Prefecture (廣西壯族自治區).

Baekje’s rule over the east coast region of China continued for more than 340 years lasting until just before Sui unified China. Rule over the east coast region of China continued even while the Baekje capital moved [first] from Hanseong (modern Seoul) to Ungjin (modern Gongju), and then to Sabi (modern Buyeo). There is the possibility that rather than wasting the country’s strength confronting Goguryeo in the Han-gang river basin [of Seoul] Baekje perhaps judged it to be more advantageous to abandon (포기) that place and [instead] expand [its control over] the ‘rice bowel’ region (곡창지대) of China’s eastern coast. These facts tell us that Baekje was a powerful thalassocracy (해양국가 lit. ‘maritime state’).

As Sui country unified China, Baekje was pushed out of the east coast region of China, but subsequently during the Tang (唐) period descendants of our minjok established an independent regime (정권) there. This was the Chicheong-beonjin (淄靑藩鎭 Ch. Ziqing-fanzhen) of General Yi Jeonggi (李正己). With its territory [covering] the present day Shandong province (山東省) [of China], Chicheong-beonjin was ruled for 55 years by a single house with General Yi Jeonggi’s son, Yi Nap (李納), succeeding him, and then continuing with Yi Nab’s son, Yi Sa-go (李師古) and Yi Sa-go’s younger brother Yi Sado (李師道).

After Tang country overthrew Goguryeo and Baekje in alliance with Silla, more than 200,000 Goguryeo people were dispersed and moved to regions of China; General Yi Jeonggi’s clan seems to have moved to Shandong province at that time. General Yi Jeonggi achieved military recognition and made a name for himself at the time of the An Lushan (安祿山) rebellion [c.755-63]; later he gained the trust of people around him and became the jiedushi provincial military commander (節度使) of the Chicheong-beonjin. Although he became jiedushi through the power of Tang, in Chicheong-beonjin he implemented unique laws and systems and behaved independently whilst opposing the Tang country imperial house (황실). It was an independent regime established in China by remnant people of Goguryeo.

Even whilst having hostile relations with the Tang country imperial house, the Chicheong-beonjin formed friendly relations with Balhae; [both] political exchanges and economic trade were frequent. [Both] Chicheong-beonjin and Balhae were established by remnant [survivors] (유민) of Goguryeo, Yi Jeonggi and Dae Joyeong; if they had maintained friendly relations with one another whilst opposing the Tang imperial house, what thoughts must they have had? Perhaps they intended to combine their strength and restore the great climate (?? 기상) and philosophy (사상) of Goguryeo. Chicheong-beonjin existed for 55 years before being destroyed by a Tang attack that mobilized the entirety of [Tang’s] national strength during the reign of Tang [emperor] Xianzong (憲宗 [r.805-20]).

19 years later, Commander (大使 daesa) Jang Bo-go (張保皐) of Silla advanced once more into this [same] region. Commander Jang Bogo had originally crossed to China from his home on present day Wan-do island and risen to the rank of xiaojang [in the] Wuning army (武寧軍의 軍中小將), however seeing that Silla people were being caught and sold by Chinese pirates, in 828 he established the Cheonghaejin [base] (淸海鎭) on Wan-do island in order to stop this.

Making Cheonghaejin his main base, Commander Jang Bogo controlled the southern Japanese archipelago and the east coast region of China; he established a thalassocracy (해상왕국 lit. ‘kingdom on the sea’) centered on our country [aka Korea] connecting the Japanese archipelago and China. Not only did Commander Jang Bogo rule this region, he utilized it as a route for international trade. Using this [infrastructure] trade was conducted even with faraway Arab regions. Activities [constituting] world trade (종합무역) were begun.

The east coast region of China that Commander Jang Bogo controlled extended from Shandong province in the north to Zhejiang (浙江省) province in the south, but the central region was Shandong and so it was the [same] place that had been General Yi Jeonggi’s Chicheong-beonjin and, previous to that, the region ruled by Baekje. That General Yi Jeonggi had been able to cultivate the Chicheong-beonjin as an independent force opposing Tang, and that subsequently Commander Jang Bogo had been able to control this region was [only] possible because of the historical background that it had [previously] been ruled by Baekje.

The advancing of our minjok into the Wae [aka Japanese] archipelago also began at an extremely early period. Many elements of our neolithic culture have been discovered in the Jōmon culture (縄文文化), the neolithic culture of Japan, and so it tells us that at the period of the Jōmon culture, our neolithic culture had already been transmitted to Japan. In particular, the Yayoi culture (彌生文化) that continued from C3rd BCE to C3rd CE was formed [as a result of] the transmission of our bronze age culture, iron age culture and rice farming [technology].

In any region of the world which undergoes a normal process of development, it is common for there to first be a bronze [age] culture and [only] after a quite long time has passed does the iron [age] culture appear. In our country and Manchuria bronze age culture appeared around 2500~2600 BCE, and advanced (진입) into iron age culture around 800 BCE. However, in the Wae archipelago, bronze age culture and iron age culture appeared simultaneously with the Yayoi culture.

This is because, due to our country and the Wae archipelago being divided by the sea, our culture was not transmitted to the Wae archipelago regularly, [instead] during one period the culture which had been attained up until then was transmitted all in one go. The result was the occurrence of the phenomenon of bronze age culture, iron age culture and rice agriculture, which had [all] been attained by our minjok up until that time, being transmitted all in one ago [to Japan from] around 300 BCE.

The fact that their culture was transmitted from our country can be understood from the point [of fact] that bronze and iron implements/vessels of the early Yayoi culture being unearthed on the Wae archipelago are the same as those unearthed in our [own] country. These were not made on the Wae archipelago but imported from the Korean peninsula. Japanese term these artefacts as ‘shipped bronze items’ (舶載銅器) and ‘shipped iron items’ (舶載鐵器). [Both] dolmen, and stone implements and clay vessels unearthed at dolmen sites which [all constitute] important elements of Yayoi culture are the same as those unearthed in Korea. This tells us that the Yayoi culture of the Wae archipelago was realized through transmission of our bronze age and iron age cultures.

In our [own] history [the period] from 300 BCE to 300 CE [corresponds] to the late Old Joseon, its collapse and the formation of the Multiple States period (열국시대), and so was an era of political turmoil. Consequently it is thought that people from our country advanced into (진출) the Wae archipelago in order to avoid the political turmoil of this period and open up (개척) a new region. The region of early penetration was Kyūshuū (九州) in the southern region, and in the later era they gradually expanded northwards. Recently a Japanese research team has discovered (밝혀내다) that people of the Yayoi culture had the same genes as people from our country.

Until that time there had been no state (국가) on the Wae archipelago. However, in our country Old Joseon had already been founded in 2333 BCE and so the people who advanced into Japan from our country already had the knowledge about states because they had lived for a long time in a structure called a state. Based on their own political experience, these people formed groups in each region [of Japan] and established countries [there]. In this way small states (소국) [began] appearing here and there [throughout] the Wae archipelago. Using the names of their motherlands (모국) they named their own countries [established in Japan] Goguryeo, Baekje, Silla and Imna (Gaya).

Subsequently around the C4th CE, a new [wave] of migrants entered [Japan coming] from our country and created the Kofun culture (古墳文化); through a process of unification (통합) between the small [Yayoi] states that had previously existed and the newly arrived groups, the state called Japan emerged around the C7th CE. Thus it can be said that the appearance of political powers (세력) and emergence of states on the Wae archipelago was the result of our minjok migrating [there].

As has been examined here, the foreign activities of our minjok in the ancient period was extremely energetic (활발). The territory [of these activities] reached the [Russian] Maritime Provinces and Siberia in the northeast, beyond Beijing to Taiyuan (太原) in the northwest; crossing the Yellow Sea in the west [they] ruled over the east coast region and southern part of China, and to the southeast, they advanced into the Wae archipelago and established sub-countries (분국) there. Whilst politically ruling these regions, our minjok simultaneously developed the cultures there. [Thus] our ocean and marine industries and international trade [today] possess this historical tradition. (Yun 2003:130-37)

Source:
Yun Naehyeon 윤내현. 2003 (2014 5th reprint). 우리 고대사: 상상에서 현실로 (Our Ancient History: from imagination to reality). Paju, Gyeonggi province: 지식산업사. 231 pages.

Sources: Samguk-sagi biographies – Choe Chiwon 崔致遠

The account of the famous scholar Choe Chiwon is the 21st of fifty biographies included in Kim Busik’s Samguk-sagi (三國史記).

Choe Chiwon  崔致遠  최치원

Choe Chiwon’s style name (字) was Goun (孤雲 ‘lonely cloud’) and also Hae’un (海雲 ‘sea cloud’). He was from Saryang-bu (裟梁部) in the [Silla] capital [Gyeongju]. Historical biographies have disappeared so his ancestry is unknown. From a very young age, Chiwon was meticulous and sharp minded and liked to study. At the [Korean] age of twelve, he planned to cross the sea by ship and enter Tang [China] to study. His father said to him, “If you don’t pass the Tang civil service examination within ten years, you are not my son. Go, and work hard!”

[Chiwon] reached faraway Tang. He followed a master and in studying was not idle. In the 1st Ganfu year (乾符), Gab’o (甲午 874), [Chiwon] successfully passed in one attempt the examination supervised by the shilang official of the Department of Rites (禮部侍郞), Peizan (裵瓚), and was selected to be a wei (尉) [county official] of Lishui county (溧水縣) in Xuanzhou province (宣州). Examining [records about him] in more detail [we can know that] he became a shengwulang shiyushi neigongfeng (乘務郞 侍御史 內供奉) and was given a purple and gold fish bag (紫金魚袋).

At this time, Huang Chao (黃巢) rose in revolt. Gao Pian (高騈) was made commanding general (諸道行營兵馬都統) to put down the rebellion. [He] called Chiwon and, making him a congshi (從事) [attendant], appointed him as a secretary (書記). His [various] biaozhuangshu and qi [writings] (表壯書啓) [from that period] have been passed down to the present.

At the age of twenty-eight, he had the desire (志) to return home and see his parents (歸寧). Knowing of this, in the first Guangqi year (光啓, 885), [Emperor] Xizong (僖宗) had him sent home by [his own] imperial edict (使將詔來聘). [Back in Silla,] he was made sidok-gyeom-hallimsa (侍讀兼翰林學士 attendant reader and royal scribe) and subyeongbu-sirang (守兵部侍郞 military defence official) and jiseo-seogam (知瑞書監).

Chiwon had obtained much [knowledge] through [travelling] west to study. [Upon return] he was going to act according to his own intentions (己志) but [the situation] deteriorated with the end [of Silla] (衰李); there were many [who were] suspicious and envious [and so] he was not accepted. Leaving [the Silla capital] he became the chief magistrate (太守) of Daesan county (大山郡).

In the second Jingfu year (景福, 893) of Tang [emperor] Zhaozong (昭宗), the napjeong-jeolsa emissary (納旌節使) and military section sirang official (兵部侍郞), Kim Cheohoe (金處誨), drowned at sea. Immediately the chief magistrate of Chuseong county (橻城郡), Kim Jun (金峻), was made a gojusa emissary (告奏使). At the time Chiwon was chief magistrate of Buseong county (富城郡) but he was reverently called (祗召) and made a hajeongsa emissary (賀正使).  However, during this period on account of constant famine there were bandits roaming across the country [such that] the roads were impassible and in the end they could not go.

After that, Chiwon again had the experience serving (嘗奉) as an emissary to Tang but the date is unknown. In reference [though] the collection of his writings contains a missive (狀) he addressed to the Taishi shizhong (太師侍中 great master palace attendant) which reads:

“[I] have humbly heard that beyond the eastern sea were three countries; their names were Mahan (馬韓), Byeonhan (卞韓) and Jinhan (辰韓). Mahan was Go[gu]ryeo, Byeonhan was Baekje and Jinhan was Silla. At the height of Goguryeo and Baekje’s flourishing they [had] one million strong armies; to the south they invaded Wuyue (吳越 southern China), to the north they menaced (撓) Youyan (幽燕 modern Hebei) and Qilu (齊魯 modern Shandong) and [in this way] became a great source of harm (巨蠹) to China. That the Sui emperor [Yangdi] went to ruin (失馭) was owing to [his attempted] conquest of [Goguryeo occupied] Liao[dong]. During the Zhengguan era (貞觀 626-649) our Tang emperor Taizong personally led six armies across the sea to administer celestial punishment. Afraid and awed, Goguryeo sued for peace. Emperor Wen (Taizong) accepted their surrender and returned (廻蹕).

At this time our great king, Muyeol (武烈大王), entreated with absolute sincerity (犬馬之誠), to [be allowed to] help with the suppression of a ‘one sided disturbance’ (助定一方之難). After this Goguryeo and Baekje continued their bad behaviour [and so] King Muyeol sent [as many as seven missions] requesting that they may become guides (鄕導) [to the Tang army]. In the 5th Xianqing (顯慶) year of Emperor Gaozong (高宗, 660), the emperor ordered (勅) [general] Su Dingfang (蘇定方 (591-667) to lead a strong army of the ten provinces (道 lit. ‘roads’) and ten thousand tower ships. [The army] destroyed Baekje and on that territory established the Buyeo governor-general (扶餘都督府). Summoning the remnants of Baekje they were given Han [Chinese] titles [but] because their customs (臭味) were not the same, there was constant news of rebellions (屢聞離叛) and in the end those people were moved to Henan (河南 in China).

In the 1st Zongzhang year (總章 668), the [emperor’s] order was given to Yinggong Xuji (英公 徐勣) who destroyed Goguryeo and established the Protectorate General to Pacify the East (安東都督府). In the 3rd Yifeng year (儀鳳 678) those [Goguryeo] people were moved to Henan and Longyou (隴右). The remnants of Goguryeo regrouped and moved north to below Taebaek mountain (太白山 aka Baekdu-san); the name of [their] country became Balhae (渤海). In the 20th Kaiyuan year (開元 732), bearing a grudge against the celestial court (i.e. Tang) [Balhae] launched a surprise attack on Dengzhou province (登州 present day Shandong peninsula) and killed the cishi sheriff (刺史) Weizun (韋俊). At this Emperor Ming (aka Xuanzong) was enraged and by his order, neishi interior official (內史) Gao Pin (高品), Hehangcheng (何行成), and taipuqing (太僕卿) Kim Saran (金思蘭) led an army across the sea to attack [Balhae]. Consequently, our [Silla] king, Kim ‘somebody’ (金某 – an expression of humbleness), was made Zhengtaiwei-chijie Chong-ninghai-junshi (正太尉 持節 充寧海軍事) and Great governor of Gyerim province (鷄林州大都督). With it being deep winter the snow was thick; the [Silla] barbarians (蕃 – again being deprecatory)  and Chinese (漢) suffered from the cold and so the order was given for the army to return. [Since that time] until today, it has been more than three hundred years, but there has not been a single incident and the blue sea (i.e. the Yellow Sea between Silla and Tang China) has been peaceful. This is the achievement (功) of our great king Muyeol.

Now [I, this] shallow scholar (末學) of a certain Confucian college, a foreigner of mediocre talent, impertinently deliver up this memorial (表章) and come to the court of the joyful land (樂土 i.e. Tang China). In general [I] have utmost sincerity (誠懇) and in accordance with correct etiquette [I hope to] make a statement (禮合披陳).

Having humbly examined (伏見) [historical antecedents], in the 12th Yuanhe year (元和 817), Prince Kim Jangnyeom (金張廉) was blown by a typhoon and arrived at the coast of Mingzhou (明州) province (present day Yin country 鄞縣 of Zhejiang province 浙江). A certain official of Zhedong (浙東 Eastern Zhejiang) provided an escort to the capital. In the 2nd Zhonghe year (中和 882) on account of the revolt (the Huang Chao 黃巢 peasant uprising) the [Silla] emissary Kim Jik-ryang (金直諒 김직량) was unable to travel along the roads. Eventually he came down the coast of Chuzhou (楚州 present day Huai’an city, Jiangsu province) and by a circuitous route (邐迤) arrived at Yangzhou (揚州) where he learnt that the holy [emperor] had [already] moved to Shu (蜀, present day Sichuan); the gao-taiwei high sheriff (高太尉) dispatched dutou (都頭) Zhang Jian (張儉) to escort (監押送) them [all the way] to Sichuan (西川). The events prior to that are clear.

[I] humbly beg that Taishi shizhong (太師侍中) will bend down [to me] and bestow a great kindness granting [us] a permit of travel by water and land; ordering at the places [we] will be (令所在) the provision of boats, food and [enough] hay for [our] donkeys [to complete] the long journey, and [arranging] a military escort that will conduct us to the front of the emperor’s procession (駕前).”

It is not possible to know the name of the taishi shizhong (太師侍中) referred to in this [letter].

Having served the great Tang in the west, Chiwon returned to his home country (i.e. Silla) in the east. [But] meeting with a world [suffering] chaotic rebellions [亂] his feet [metaphorically] were restrained (屯邅蹇連) [as] to move would easily meet with disaster (咎). Pained that he could not meet [with better fortune/was not better received], he did not again seek a career in officialdom. He wandered in self-abandon; below the mountain forests beside the sea, he built a pagoda (臺) and pavilion (榭) and planted pine and bamboo. He [used as] his pillow books and histories and composed aloud poems (風月 lit. ‘wind and moon’). Such places as Namsan (南山 ‘south mountain’) in Gyeongju (慶州), Bing-san mountain (氷山) in Ganju (剛州), Cheongnyang-sa temple (淸涼寺) in Hapju (陜州), Ssanggye-sa temple (雙溪寺) on Jiri-san mountain(智異山) and the pavilion (別墅) in Happo-hyeon county (合浦縣): these were all sites he visited on his wanderings. At the very end [of his life], he took his family and concealed himself at Haein-sa temple (海印寺) on Gaya-san mountain (伽耶山). He formed a Buddhist friendship (道友) with two monks (浮圖) who were actual brothers, Hyeonjun (賢俊) and Master Jeonghyeon (定玄師); he lived out his last days growing old in quiet leisure (棲遲偃仰).

When he first traveled to the west [to Tang China], he became acquainted with the Jiangdong (江東) poet, Luo Yin (羅隱 833-909). Yin held his own talents in high regard and did not lightly [have dealings with] (許可 lit. ‘permit’) others, [but] to Chiwon he showed five of his poetic compositions (歌詩). [Choe Chiwon] also became good friends with Go Yun (顧雲) who was the same age. When he was leaving back [to Silla], Go Yun bade him farewell with a poem [which] roughly went:

我聞海上三金鼇  아문해상삼금오
金鼇頭戴山高高  금오두대산고고
山之上兮            산지상혜
珠宮貝闕黃金殿  주궁패궐황금전
山之下兮            산지하혜
千里萬里之洪濤  천리만리지홍도
傍邊一點雞林碧  방변일점계림벽
鼇山孕秀生奇特  오산잉수생기특
十二乘船渡海來  십이승선도해래
文章感動中華國  문장감동중화국
十八橫行戰詞苑  십팔횡행전사원
一箭射破金門策  일전사파금문책

I have heard there are three gold turtles on the ocean;
on the turtles’ heads is a high, high mountain.
At the top of the mountain
is a pearl palace with shell halls (闕) and golden halls (殿).
Below the mountain
waves [stretch] for thousands and tens of thousands of li.
Beside, a single dot, is Gyerim [aka Silla] blue.
Turtle mountain conceived a [precocious] talent and gave birth to a marvel.
[Aged] twelve he boarded a ship and came across the sea;
[his] writings moved China [deeply].
[Aged] eighteen he freely competed in a poetry contest (詞苑);
firing a single arrow, he shattered the Golden [Horse] Gate (金[馬]門 refers to the central palace gate and alludes to his success in the civil service examination.)

In the “Treatise on Art and Literature” (藝文志) in the Xin Tangshu (新唐書 New Book of Tang), it says, “Choe Chiwon [left behind] the single volume (卷) Saryuk-jip (四六集 Forty-six Collection) and the twenty volume Gyewon-pilgyeong (桂苑筆耕 Cultivated Writings [of the] Gyesu-namu [tree] Garden).” In the annotation (注), it says, “Choe Chiwon was from Goryeo (高麗). Passing the bin’gong (賓貢) examination [for foreigners], he [served] as a congshi attendent to Gao Pian; his name is know as such in the higher kingdom (上國 aka China). There are thirty volumes of his collected writings which have been passed down.”

Previously when our [king] Taejo (太祖) arose [establishing the Goryeo dynasty], Chiwon knew that [Wang Geon, the future king Taejo,] was an extraordinary person who would receive the [celestial] command to establish a new kingdom. Consequently [Chiwon] sent a letter inquiring [on his health] which contained the lines, “The leaves of Gyelim (鷄林 aka Silla) are yellow [but] the Gongnyeong (鵠嶺 곡령 refers to Song’ak 松嶽 ‘pine peak’ mountain in the new Goryeo capital) pines are green.” [From amongst] his students, at the beginning of the new [Goryeo] dynasty, there was more than just one given high rank.

When King Hyeonjong (顯宗 r.1009-1031) was on the throne, Chiwon secretly helped with the king’s work (祖業). Unable to forget this meritorious service, [the king] issued a writ [posthumously] conferring on him the rank of naesaryeong (內史令). In the 5th month of the 14th year [of King Hyeonjong’s reign, which was] the 2nd Taiping (太平) year [of Liao emperor Shengzong 遼聖宗], Gyehae (癸亥 1023), [the king] bestowed [on Choe Chiwon] the posthumous name Munchang-hu (文昌侯 ‘writing beautiful lord’).

Sources: Yu Deukgong’s “Nostalgic Reflections of the Twenty-One Capitals” 二十一都懷古詩 (1792) – part 4 of 6

See Introductionpart 1part 2 and part 3.

新羅  Silla

In the Beishi (北史) it is written, “The ancestors of Silla were originally the people of Jinhan (辰韓). The territory was southeast of Goguryeo and during the Han (漢) it was part of Lelang (樂浪). The king was originally from Baekje. He escaped by sea and came to Silla where he eventually became king.”

In the Samguk-sagi (三國史記) it is written, “The surname of the founder of Silla was Bak (朴) and his first name was Hyeokgeose (赫居世). He ascended to the throne on the Byeongjin day (丙辰) in the 4th month of the 1st Wufeng (五鳳 오봉) year of Emperor Xuan-di (宣帝 91–49 BC), and was called Geoseogan (居西干). At the time he was aged thirty-three. Before then the remaining people of Joseon resided in the valleys divided into six villages which were known as the six bu (六部) of Jinhan. [One day] the village head of Goheo (高墟村長), So Beol-gong (蘇伐公), was in the forest beside Najeong (蘿井) at the foot of Mount Yang (陽山), when he saw through the trees a horse whinnying crouched down on its knees. Going to take a closer look, the horse suddenly vanished but left behind a large egg. Breaking open the egg he discovered inside a baby which he took into his care and raised. At the age of ten or so, the boy was already intelligent and precociously talented. The people of the six bu recognizing his divine and supernatural birth respectfully revered him and subsequently made him their ruler. Jinhan people call gourds (瓠 호) bak and because the large egg resembled a gourd, he took the surname Bak (朴). Geoseogan in Jinhan language means ‘king.'”

In the Munheon-pigo (文獻備考) it is written, “Silla was variously called Seoyabeol (徐耶伐), Sara (斯羅) and Saro (斯盧).

In the Donggyeong-japgi (Miscellaneous Records of the East Capital [aka Gyeongju] 東京雜記 it is written, “Gyeongju (慶州) was originally the former capital of Silla.”

21
辰韓六部澹秋烟  진한육부담추연  平平入上上平平(先)
徐菀繁華想可憐  서울번화상가련  平 平平上上平
萬萬波波加號笛  만만파파가호적  去去平平平去入
橫吹三姓一千年  횡취삼성일천년  平平平去入平平

jin han yuk bu dam chu yeon
seo ul beon hwa sang ga ryeon
man man pa pa ga ho jeok
heong chwi sam seong il cheon nyeon

Autumn mists drift across the six bu of Jinhan.
It is sad [now] to think of the prosperity of Seoul [Silla’s capital.]
They called it the Flute of Multitudinous Waves, manman-papa;
For a thousand years it was blown by the three families.

the six bu of Jinhan (辰韓六部): according to the Samguk-sagi (三國史記), “The first is Yangsan Village (楊山村) by Al-cheon River (閼川), the second is Goheo Village (高墟村) by Mount Dol (突山), the third is Jinji Village (珍支村) by Mount Ja (觜山), the fourth is Daesu Village (大樹村) by Mount Mu (茂山), the fifth is Gari Village (加利村) by Mount Geum (金山) and the sixth is Goya Village (高耶村) by Mount Myeonghwal (明活山).” These were the six bu of Jinhan.

Seoul (徐菀 서울): according to the Munheon-pigo (文獻備考), “The name of Silla was [also] Seoyabeol (徐耶伐) and so later generations called the capital Seobeol (徐伐) which changed to Seoul.”

Manman-papa (萬萬派派): according to the Donggyeong-japgi (東京雜記), “During the reign of King Sinmun (r. 681–692 神文王) in the middle of the East Sea (東海) was a mountain which shifted with the waves. Thinking it strange, the king took a boat to the mountain where, at the top, he discovered a stork of bamboo growing [there]. Upon crafting the bamboo into a flute and playing it, he found that enemy armies would retreat, diseases would recover, rain would fall at times of drought and during the rainy season the weather would become clear. It could both quieten the wind and calm the waves, and so it was named Manpa-sik-jeok (the Flute that Calms (息) Ten-Thousand Waves 萬波息笛). It was regarded as a treasure and passed down for generations. During the reign of King Hyoso (孝昭王) its name was augmented to Manman-papa (Multitudinous Waves).”

the three families (三姓): according to the Samguk-sagi (三國史記), “The surname of the founder of Silla was Bak (朴). The surname of Talhae-isageum was Seok (昔) and that of Michu-isageum was Kim (金).” According to the Jibong-yuseol (Topical Discourses of Jibong 芝峯類說 [written by Jibong I Su-gwang (1563-1628)]), “Silla enjoyed nearly a thousand years of prosperity. Around the time it unified the three Han, life was peaceful and every year was a good harvest; this was known as the Silla age of sages (/golden era 聖代).

22
幾處靑山幾佛幢  기처청산기불당  上去平平上入平(江)
荒池鴈鴨不成雙  황지안압불성쌍  平平去入入平平
春風谷口松花屋  춘풍곡구송화옥  平平入上平平入
時聽寥寥短尾狵  시청요요단미방  平平平平上上平

gi cheo cheong san gi bul dang
hwang ji an ap bul seong ssang
chun pung gok gu song hwa ok
si cheong yo yo dan mi bang

Amongst the many green peaks are many Buddhist temples.
The wild geese and ducks of the desolate [An’ap-ji] pond are unable to find mates.
A spring wind blows across the valley entrance by Pine Flower Hermitage.
At times one can hear the lonely bark of a short tailed
sapsal dog [삽살개.]

wild geese and ducks of the desolate pond (荒池鴈鴨 황지안압): according to the Yeoji-seungnam (輿地勝覽), “The An’ap-ji pond (Goose-Duck Pond 鴈鴨池) is north of Cheonju Temple (天柱寺) in Gyeongju-bu (慶州府). King Munmu (r.661-81) of Silla dug the pond and piled stones to form a mountain resembling the twelve peaks of Mount Wu (巫山). He planted flowers and kept rare birds [there]. To the west is the former site of Imhae-jeon hall (臨海殿).”

Pine Flower Hermitage (松花屋): according to the Donggyeong-jabgi (東京雜記), “When Kim Yu-sin’s (金庾信) wife (or daughter? 宗女), Madam Jaemae (財買夫人) died she was buried in the valley above Cheong-yeon (靑淵) and so it was named Jaemae-gok gorge (財買谷). In spring each year, the men and women from the same family gather at the stream to the south of Jaemae-gok gorge and hold a banquet. At that time all different types of flowers are in bloom and the valley is filled with pine flowers. At the mouth of the valley a hermitage was built called Songhwa-bang (Pine Flower Room 松花房).

a short tailed sapsal (短尾狵 단미방): according to the Donggyeong-jabgi (東京雜記), “Northern Gyeonju is desolate (虛) and so most of the dogs there have short tails and are known as ‘eastern capital [ie Gyeongju] dogs’ (東京狗 동경구).”

23
料峭風中過上元 요초풍중과상원 去 平平去去平(元)
忉忉怛怛踏歌喧 도도달달답가훤 入入 入平平
年年糯飯無人祭 연년나반무인제 平平 去平平去
一陳寒鴉噪別村 일진한아조별촌 入平平平 入平

yo cho pung jung gwa sang won
do do dal dal dap ga hwon
yeon nyeon na ban mu in je
il jin han a jo byeol chon

The first two weeks of the [lunar] new year are spent amongst a chill wind.
Tapping the rhythm with their feet, they sing; anxious and melancholy.
There is no one to perform the yearly rites of offering glutinous rice.
A flock of cold crows squawk [far off] in another village.

anxious and melancholy (忉忉怛怛 도도달달): according to the Yeoji-seungnam (輿地勝覽), “Seochul-ji pond (書出池) is to the east of Mount Geum’o (金鰲山) in Gyeonju-bu. On the 15th day in the 1st month of the 10th year of King Soji’s reign (r.479-500), the king visited Cheoncheon-sa temple (天泉寺). A strange event occurred between a crow (烏) and mouse/rat, so the king ordered one of his mounted warriors to chase the crow. Upon the knight arriving at Pi-chon village (避村), [he saw] two pigs fighting one another. Lingering to watch this, he lost track of the crow. Then an old person came out from the pond [there] and offered up [to the knight] a written letter which read on the outside envelope, ‘If opened two people will die, if not opened one person will die.’ The knight galloped back to the king and delivered the letter. The king said, ‘It is better to not open the letter and for one person to die than for two people to die.’ But one of the official ilgwan (日官) soothsayers replied, ‘Two people refers to commoners, but one person refers to the king.’ Agreeing with this, the king opened the letter and found written, ‘Shoot the geomun’go box.’ The king entered the castle and fired an arrow at the geomun’go. [At this time] in the women’s quarters of the palace (內殿) the slave responsible for burning incense (焚修) was having an adulterous relationship with one of the chief palace ladies (could even refer to the queen 宮主 n.66) and plotting treason. The lady and slave were executed whilst the pond was named Seochul-ji (Letter Emerging Pond 書出池).” It further says, “The people of Silla considered that for the king to avoid the calamity (禍) of the geomun’go box, if not for the efforts of the crow, mouse, dragon, horse and pig, the king’s body would have been endangered. Finally the sangja (上子), sangjin (上辰), sang’o (上午) and sanhae (上亥) days of the 1st month (正月) were made days of abstinence when people would avoid all work and not move. In the vernacular, the word dodal (忉怛) refers to something sad and taboo. Also, the 16th day is observed as O’gi-il (Crow Abstinence Day 烏忌日) when glutinous rice (찰밥) is sacrificed to the crows. This national custom continues still today.” According to the Jeompiljae-jip (Collected Works of Jeompiljae [Kim Jong-jik (1431-92)] 佔畢齋集), “The Dodal song (忉怛歌 n.67) goes as follows, ‘Anxious and melancholy, the king was almost unable to preserve [himself]. Inside the tassled silk curtain [n.68], the geomun’go collapsed, the pretty queen [n.69] was unable to grow old with her husband.'”

24
金鰲山色晩蒼蒼  금오산색만창창  平平平入上平平(陽)
渲染鷄林一半霜  선염계림일반상  去上平平入去平
萬疊伽倻人去後  만첩가야인거후  去入平平平去上
至今紅葉上書莊  지금홍엽상서장  去平平入去平平

geum o san saek man chang chang
seon yeom gye rim il ban sang
man cheop ga ya in geo hu
ji geum hong yeop sang seo jang

In evening Golden Turtle Mountain turns a deep green.
Chicken Forest is half dyed in the gradations of frost.
After [Choe Chi-won] left for the deep [valleys of] Mount Gaya,
The leaves are now red at Letter Writing Villa.

Golden Turtle Mountain (金鰲山 금오산): according to the Yeoji-seungnam (輿地勝覽), “Mount Geum’o (Golden Turtle) is also known as South Mountain (南山) and is six li south of Gyeongju-bu (慶州府). In a poem the Tang poet Gu Yun (顧雲 고운 n.70) sent to Choe Chi-won (崔致遠 b.857) he wrote, ‘I have heard that above the sea are three golden turtles and on their heads are the tallest of mountains. At the top of the mountains are the Pearl Palace (珠宮 주궁), the Clam Palace (貝闕 패궐) and the Golden Hall (黃金殿). Beneath the palaces are waves stretching out infinitely.'”

Chicken Forest (鷄林 계림 Gyerim): according to the Samguk-sagi (三國史記), “In the 3rd spring month of the 9th year of Talhae-isageum’s reign, the king heard the voice of a cockerel calling in Si-rim forest (始林) to the west of the Golden Palace (金城) and so ordered Duke Ho (瓠公) to investigate. [The duke] found a white chicken crowing beneath a branch on which a small golden box was balanced. Returning and reporting what he saw, the king ordered men to bring the box and open it, whereupon they found inside a baby boy of extraordinary and wonderful appearance. The king rejoiced saying, ‘This is surely heaven sending me a son!’ He took the baby in and raised it. Growing up the boy was intelligent and possessed much wisdom and so was named Al-ji (閼智). As he came out of a golden box, he was given the surname Kim (金). Si-rim forest was renamed Gye-rim (Chicken Forest), which also became the name of the country (Silla).”

Gaya (伽倻): according to the Yeoji-seungnam (輿地勝覽), “Mount Gaya is 30 li to the north of Hapcheon-gun (陜川郡). It is also called Mount Udu (牛頭山).”

Letter Writing Villa (上書莊): according to the Samguk-sagi (三國史記), “Choi Chi-won’s pen names were Go-un (孤雲) and Hae-un (海雲). He was from Saryang-bu (沙梁部). At the age of twelve, he accompanied an envoy by boat to Tang. In the 1st Qianfu year (乾符 건부, 874) he passed the examination held under (/for becoming?) the Ritual Department Libushilang-peizan (禮部侍郞 裵瓚 예부시랑 배찬), and became lieutenant of Lishui-xian county (凓水縣尉). Passing the kaoshi examination (考試) he was made chengwurang-shiyushi- neigongfeng (乘務郞 侍御史 內供奉 승무랑 시어사 내공봉) and then had the purple and gold fish robes (紫金魚袋) conferred upon him. During the Huang Chao (874-84) (黃巢 황소) rebellion Gao Pian (高騈 고변 d.887, ‘former Prince of Bohai’ n.71) was made Grand Marshall of Everywhere (諸道行營兵馬都統 zhudao-xingying-bingma-doutong) and when suppressing Huang Chao, made Chiwon a congshi (從事) officer. In the 1st Guangqi (光啓 광계) year (885), Choi Chiwon was called back by royal edict [to Silla] and became both a sidok (侍讀) and hallim-haksa scholar-official (翰林學士). Leaving the capital, he became magistrate of Tae-san (太山太守 present day Tae’in 泰仁 n.72). From the time he went west to serve the Tang until he returned to his former country [Silla] in the east, he met with all manner of difficulties and so did not intend again to pursue officialdom. Together with his family he retired to Haein-sa temple (海印寺 n.73) and lived out the rest of his life free and relaxed.” According to the Yeoji-seungnam (輿地勝覽), “Sangseo-jan (Letter Writing Villa 上書莊) is to the north of Mount Geum’o. When Taejo of Goryeo [aka Wang Geon (877-943)] rose to power, knowing that he would be ordered (back to office) Choe Chiwon wrote a letter to the king (上書), ‘Gyerim is a yellow leaf but Gong-nyeong (鵠嶺 곡령 = Song’ak 松嶽 = Goryeo, see poem 43) is a green pine.’ Later generations named the place where he resided Letter Writing [to the king] Villa.” 

25
城南城北蔚藍峯  성남성북울람봉  平平平入入平平(冬)
落日昌林寺裏鐘  낙일창림사리종  入入平平去上平
閒補東京書畵傳  한보동경서화전  平上上平平去去
金生碑版率居松  김생비판솔거송  平平平上入平平

seong nam seong buk ul ram bong
nak il chang rim sa ri jong
han bo dong gyeong seo hwa jeon
gim saeng bi pan sol geo song

Mountain peaks lush with vegetation [rise] both to the south and north of the fortress.
At sunset the bell sounds at Changnim-sa temple.
The books and paintings of the Eastern Capital [Gyeongju] are leisurely restored [and so] passed down.
[They remind us of] Kim Saeng’s stone monument and Sol Geo’s pine trees.

Kim Saeng (金生 711-91): according to the Samguk-sagi (三國史記), “From an early age, Kim Saeng was skillful at calligraphy. Throughout his life he never studied any other art. Even past the age of 80, far from laying down his brush, he was a godly master in all three styles yeseo (隸書), haengseo (行書) and choseo (草/艸書). During the Chongning (崇寧 숭녕) reign period [of Song emperor Huizong (徽宗)] (1102-06), chunghaksa scholar (中學士) Hong Gwan (洪灌 d.1126 calligrapher, n.75) accompanied an official mission (奉仕 봉사) to Song and, whilst staying in Bianjing (汴京 변징, modern Kaifeng), hanlin-daizhao (翰林待詔 한림대조) Yang Qiu (楊球) and Li Ge (李革 n.76) visited with a letter from the emperor (勅書) and [whilst there they] painted a picture scroll. Hong Gwan showed them a sheet of Kim Saeng’s haeng-cho (行艸) [calligraphy] at which the two were greatly surprised and said, ‘Today we have unexpectedly seen the calligraphy of You Jun (右軍 303–61 n.77)!’ Hong Gwan replied, ‘This is the calligraphy of none other than Kim Saeng of Silla!’ But the two would not believe him.” In the epilogue (跋文) of the commemorative stone at Changnim-sa temple (昌林寺), Zhao Zi-ang (趙子昻, 1254-1322) wrote, ‘[Calligraphy as fine as] You (右) was written by a Silla monk of Tang, Kim Saeng. The character strokes on the commemorative stone of Changnim-sa Temple in his country [Silla] have depth and form (典型) such that even a famous calligraphic engraver of Tang would not be able to greatly surpass it. Did not the ancients say, ‘Talented people may be born in any land’? I believe it to be so.” According to the Yeoji-seungnam (輿地勝覽), “Changnim-sa temple (昌林寺) was located on Mount Geum’o but today is ruined. There is an old stone (碑) there but it has no writing.”

Sol Geo (率居): according to the Samguk-sagi (三國史記), “Sol Geo was good at painting and early on he painted on the wall of Hwangnyong-sa temple (黃龍寺 n.79) the body, trunk, scales (鱗) and wrinkles of an old pine tree. Every now and then crows and kites spying the pine would try to fly and land on it but would fall down the wall. After a long time the colour began to fade and so the monks of the temple restored it with dancheong (丹靑) paint, but after that the crows and kites no longer came. The pictures of Avalokiteśvara (觀音) at Bunhwan-sa temple (芬皇寺 n.80) in Gyeonju and the portrait of Vimalakīrti (維摩像 유마상) at Dansok-sa (斷俗寺 n.81) in Jinju (晉州) are also by his brush.”

26
三月初旬去踏靑  삼월초순거답청  平入平平去入平(靑)
蚊川花柳鎖冥冥  문천화류쇄명명  平平平上上平平
流觴曲水傷心事  유상곡수상심사  平平入上平平去
休上春風鮑石亭  휴상춘풍포석정  平上平平上入平

sam wol cho sun geo dap cheong
mun cheon hwa ryu swae myeong myeong
yu sang gok su sang sim sa
hyu sang chun pung po seok jeong

In spring [the first ten days of the third lunar month], [King Gyeong-ae, penultimate king of Silla (r. 924–927)] was out enjoying the new foliage.
By Mosquito Stream, the flowers and willows are darkly locked together.
Whilst playing a game of floating wine cups, they met with sorrow.
Do not ascend to Abalone Stone Platform when the spring wind blows!

Mosquito Stream (蚊川): according to the Yeoji-seungnam (輿地勝覽), “Mun-cheon stream (蚊川) is 5 li to the south of Gyeongju-bu, it is downstream of Sadeung-cheon stream (史等川). There is a poem by Kim Geuk-gi (金克己 1148-1209) of Goryeo that speaks of the Mun-cheon stream Bulgye festival game [composing poems before a wine cup floats past you] (蚊川祓禊 n.83).”

Abalone Stone Platform (鮑石亭 포석정): according to the Yeoji-seungnam (輿地勝覽), “Poseok-jeong is seven li south of Gyeongju-bu at the base of the western side of Mount Geum’o. The rocks have been arranged in the shape of an abalone (鮑) after which it is named. It is clearly the remains of where wine cups were floated along the winding water (流觴曲水).” According to the Samguk-sagi (三國史記), “Gyeon Hwon (甄萱 867-936) suddenly invaded the Silla capital at which time the king and queen and ladies in waiting (嬪御) were out at Poseok-jeong enjoying wine. Having been invaded, they were in a fix and were not sure what to do. All the lords, retainers, palace women and officers were captured and died [King Gyeong’ae committed suicide].”

溟州  Myeongju

In the Samguk-sagi (三國史記) it is written, “When King Seondeok (r.780–785) of Silla died he had no son and so a group of his vassals discussed together and decided to make an indirect descendant (族子) of Seondeok, Ju-won (周元), their king. Ju-won was living 20 li to the north of the capital, but just at that time heavy rain fell and swelled the Al-cheon river (閼川) preventing him from crossing. Someone then said, ‘Perhaps heaven is trying to stop Ju-won becoming king. Daesangdeung (大上等) Gyeong-sin (aka King Wonseong 敬信) was the younger brother of the former king and he has the countenance of a ruler.’ Upon deciding to enthrone him the rain stopped and so all the subjects of the kingdom shouted out manse!

In the Yeoji-ji (輿地志) it is written, “Fearing disaster, Ju-won withdrew to Myeoungju and was not invited to the court. Two years later he was enfeoffed as king of Myeongju-gun (溟州郡) which was divided into the fiefdoms (食邑) of Myeongju, Ingnyeong (翼嶺 익령, [modern day Yangyang]), Samcheok (三陟), Geun’eur’eo (斤乙於) [modern day Pyeonghae] and Uljin (蔚珍).”

In the Munheon-bigo (文獻備考) it is written, “Myeongju is present day Gangneung-bu (江陵府).”

27
雞林眞骨大王親  계림진골대왕친  平平平入去平平(眞)
九雉分供左海濱  구치분공좌해빈  上上平平上上平
最憶如花池上女  최억여화지상녀  去入平平平去上
魚書遠寄倦遊人  어서원기권유인  平平上去去平平

gye rim jin gol dae wang chin
gu chi bun gong jwa hae bin
choe eok yeo hwa ji wang nyeo
eo seo won gi gwon yu in

[Kim Juwon] was a True Bone rank (眞骨) of Gyerim and a close relative to the king (Seondeok who died without issue.)
Royal food provision was divided and given to [Kim Juwon] beside the left [i.e. eastern] sea.
[Myeongju] makes one think most of the girl by the lilly pond
Who sent a letter faraway by fish to the man she had promised herself to.

True Bone (眞骨): according to the Samguk-sagi (三國史記), “Sadaham (斯多含) was of True Bone lineage. Seol Gye-du (薛罽頭 d.645 note84) said, ‘When appointments are made in Silla, they take into consideration their golpum bone rank status (骨品).'” Ling Hu-cheng (令狐澄 영호징) wrote in the Xinluoguo-ji (History of Silla 新羅國記), “In that country (신라), the king is First Bone rank (第一骨) and the rest of the aristocracy is Second Bone rank (第二骨).”

“royal food provision” guchi (九雉): according to the Munheon-bigo (文獻備考), “According to the Silla system, each day the king would eat three mal (斗 두) of rice and nine male pheasants (九雉).”

send a letter far away by fish (漁書遠寄 어서원기): according to the ‘Ak-ji’ chapter of the Goryeo-sa (Records of Music in the History of Goryeo 高麗史樂志), “In the Goguryeo folk music section (高句麗 俗樂部) is the song Myeongju-gok (Myeongju Melody 溟州曲). It is said that a young scholar (書生) was travelling for study when he arrived in Myeongju and saw the daughter of a well-to-do house who had a beautiful body and complexion. She also knew how to write. The young scholar kept writing her poems to try and seduce her, to which the girl replied, ‘A lady (婦女子) cannot pursue a stranger. Wait until you have passed the exam and if my parents order [our marriage] then something will happen.’ The young scholar soon returned to the capital and prepared for the gwago civil service examination. At the girls’ house [meanwhile] they started to welcome a future son-in-law. The girl raised fish in a pond and when they heard the sound of coughing they knew that food was coming. Feeding the fish, the girl said, ‘I have raised you for a long time, so you should understand my intentions (意).’ She threw in a silk letter (帛書) and a large fish jumped out and swallowed it before leisurely swimming away. Whilst in the capital, one day the young student bought a fish to feed his parents and when he cut open its stomach, he discovered inside a silk letter. Surprised and considering it wondrous, he immediately took the silk letter and a letter written by his father, and went straight to the girl’s house but found the intended future son-in-law had already arrived. He showed the letters to the girl’s family and sung this [Myeongju-gok] song. Thinking it wondrous, the girl’s parents said, ‘This has the feeling of sincere devotion (精誠) and is not something that can be done through [mere] human effort.’ Sending away the other man, they welcomed the young scholar as their son-in-law.”

According to the Ganggye-ji (Record of Borderlands 疆界志 n.86), “The younger brother of the Silla king, Muwol-lang (無月郞 무월랑 n.87), had two sons. The eldest was Ju-won (周元 n.88) and the second Gyeong-sin (敬信). Their mother was born in Myeongju and because she originally lived beneath Yeonhwa-bong peak (Lotus Peak 蓮花峯 연화봉) she was known as Madam Yeonhwa (n.89). When Ju-won became ruler of Myeongju, his mother lived under his support. The Myeongju-gok (n.90) is about Madam Yeonhwa and the young scholar is Muwol-lang. Also, because Myeongju was established during the Silla period, it is not a Goguryeo period name and so naturally Myeongju-gok is classified as a Silla song (新羅樂).”

Continue to part 5..

Was Goguryeo 高句麗 (Gāogōulí) Korean or Chinese? – tentative thoughts

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Goguryeo was neither Korean nor Chinese but maintained its own dual south continental, northern peninsula identity which subsequently became divided together with its territory following the kingdom’s collapse.

  • The former territory of Goguryeo straddles the modern mainland Chinese and North Korean border.
  • The modern dispute over Goguryeo’s heritage is therefore nearly 100% subjective though Korea has the longer historiographic tradition.
  • The dispute is not academic or scholarly but politically motivated on both sides as both mainland China and the two Koreas are equally concerned about very real irredentist claims based on modern racial-nationalist claims to the ethnic heritage over the ancient kingdoms of the region (namely Old Joseon, Lelang Commandery, Goguryeo and Balhae).
    • In this context, Beijing’s assertion over Goguryeo is as much a reaction to Korean claims over the subsequent Balhae kingdom which was, more so than Goguryeo, overwhelmingly a (Manchurian) continental entity.

The contemporary ethnic identity of Goguryeo was neither Korean (which didn’t exist at the time) nor Han  Chinese.

  • However, it is possible and probably desirable for Goguryeo to simultaneously be regarded a part of both Korean and Chinese history but with the crucial qualification that ‘Chinese’ not denote the ethnic Han 漢 Chinese, but the multiethnic modern Chinese state which, despite the current political dominance of the modern ethnic Han majority, inherited the former territory of the Manchu Qing dynasty.  And here it should be appreciated that the Qing dynasty had been a multiethnic empire founded by Jurchen-Manchu whose very distant ancestors (whether remembered or not) likely included much of the continental population of Goguryeo.
  • If Goguryeo heritage cannot be treated as a part of multiethnic Chinese history, then the natural conclusion is the assertion of Korean irredentist claims.  Under such circumstances, the remaining tombs and fortress sites are vulnerable to neglect and continued deterioration.  As long as Manchuria is a part of the present day mainland Chinese state, Goguryeo’s continental heritage should be administered by China.

In the end, the only real arguments worth having are over the international pronunciation of the name as Goguryeo or Gāogōulí and access to joint archaeological investigation.

  • In the case of the international name, the Korean pronunciation should probably remain in acknowledgement of the longer historiographic tradition.

Territorial heritage:

In terms of its territorial heritage Goguryeo may be associated with both modern (multiethnic) China and the two Koreas today (especially North Korea).

  • Goguryeo emerged in the south of continental Manchuria with its early power base in the region of modern Jilin province of present day mainland China. Over its very long history, this power base gradually moved southwards into modern North Korean territory eventually to the location of Pyeongyang, the modern capital of North Korea. However, even in the later period, a major part of its history (Sui and Tang invasion wars) was played out in southern Manchuria, modern Liaoning province.
  • Whilst royal tombs were later constructed around modern Pyongyang and South Pyeong’an province (west of Pyongyang), Goguryeo’s spiritual homeland remained the region of Jolbon, modern Jilin, where the shrine to the mythical progenitor, King Dongmyeong (aka Jumong) was maintained.

Ethnic heritage:

Ethnic identity is a strongly subjective notion determined by self-identification with a group (influenced today by modern notions of political nationalism and racialist indoctrination) and traceable ancestry.

  • Goguryeo ethnic identity would have been forged from a multiethnic diversity primarily consisting of the southern Manchurian groups including a superstrate of the, semi-naturalized, descendants of former ethnic Han (漢) ‘Chinese’ who subjugated the region in 108BCE.
  • Goguryeo both expanded to the northeast and subsequently southwards into the peninsula.  During the latter process it would have absorbed the indigenous peoples of the northern Korean peninsula: many of these assimilated to the new Goguryeo ethnic identity; others, e.g. the peninsula ‘Malgal’ (靺鞨 – as they are anachronistically named in the Samguk-sagi), apparently maintained their own identity whilst accepting political suzerainty, perhaps in a manner similar to the much later banner system of the Manchu Qing dynasty (used to incorporate ethnic Mongols).  Other peninsula peoples meanwhile came under the dominance of Baekje and Silla and actively resisted Goguryeo expansion managing to maintain their complete independence.

Ancestry is a retrospective concept: no people attempt to trace their lineage into the future beyond the ideal of sustaining their current ethnic group.

  • Goguryeo people could only self-identify with their present and past: there was no concept of “Korea” or even the “Three Kingdoms” at this stage so it would not have been possible to self-identify as ‘Korean’.  Equally there was no larger Manchurian identity and Goguryeo was constantly at war with most neighbouring states including the various northern ‘Chinese’ dynasties (with the exception of Northern Wei which was an ethnic Xianbei entity and with which Goguryeo general maintained better relations).
  • In terms of ancestral lineage today, given the territorial division it can be surmised that the number of extremely distant Goguryeo descendants living in the territory of modern China would be at least as large, if not greater, than the number living now on the Korean peninsula.  The descendants of Goguryeo would have largely reassimilated as either Balhae-Jurchen (ethnic Tungus-Manchu) or as Unified Silla-Goryeo (Koreans).

Cultural heritage:

In terms of religious, artistic and technological innovation, Goguryeo had next to no known influence on dynastic mainland China, unknown though likely significant influence on the Manchurian region and some similar influence on the Korean peninsula, at least within its former territory.  Beyond the Jumong myth being maintained as northern folklore (to the extent that Yi Gyubo felt compelled to write it down) it is not clear what else was clearly inherited from Goguryeo as many traditions were superseded by those of Silla.

Historiographic heritage:

History is created by those who remember and write it down and perpetuated by those who read it.  Oral history is similarly dependent on transmission and continued relevance to the audience (but subject to distortion quickly becoming folklore).  People create and transmit history; they may dictate the narrative and conceal or censor available facts but nobody can physically own the past.

At a point when the peoples of the Korean peninsula had created a politically unified ‘Korean’ entity, namely the Goryeo dynasty (936-1392), Goguryeo’s history was remembered, re-compiled and incorporated into the notion of a peninsula focused Three Kingdoms historical period (also referred to at the time as Samhan).

  • During the Three Kingdoms period there was no concept of a “Three Kingdoms” identity; nor throughout Unified Silla and Balhae.  It was created retrospectively during the Goryeo dynasty and thus, crucially, Koreans preserved the historiographic heritage of Goguryeo.  Neither Tang nor Silla wrote dynastic histories of Goguryeo but records were at least preserved during the Unified Silla such that they could be compiled early in the Goryeo dynasty (first as the now lost Gu-samguk-sa ‘Old History of the Three Kingdoms’ and later as the Samguk-sagi).  Balhae may have compiled its own dynastic history of Goguryeo but nearly all Balhae records have been lost.
  • In terms of historiography, Goguryeo has always been treated by Koreans as a part of their heritage.  This has not been the case in traditional Chinese historiography.
  • Official dynastic histories and modern government sponsored history writing have the primary aims of legitimizing territorial claims and assimilating ethnic minorities.  Unified Silla apparently failed to successfully assimilate or integrate its expanded territory and suffered the consequences of revivalist movements; Goguryeo was subsequently included in Goryeo’s official history helping to legitimize its claims over the full peninsula territory.
  • Following Goguryeo’s collapse, its former continental territory was not immediately occupied by any ethnic Han Chinese dynasty and so its history was not formally compiled.  This state of affairs did not change until the founding of the modern Chinese Communist Party and they immediately set to work on researching their borders; the current Chinese claims are the natural outcome of this official revisionist history project, in essence no different from the purpose of compiling dynastic histories (that is, to legitimize territorial claims and assimilate ethnic minorities).

Linguistic heritage:

Ethnic identity is closely associated with both linguistic and political boundaries but linguistic range does not always match the speed of dynastic and modern political re-configurations.

  • There were likely many languages spoken as a linguistic spectrum across the territory of Goguryeo, increasingly so as it expanded.  Undoubtedly, this predominantly included Tungusic languages ancestral to Jurchen-Manchu.
  • Goguryeo was already writing Classical Chinese inherited at the latest from the previous Han commanderies (Lelang and Xiantu) and propagated through Buddhist evangelism such that the language of the ruling class would have soon become at least partially Sinicized in a manner similar to modern Sino-Korean and Sino-Japanese, that is to say: whatever language the Goguryeo language was, it would have been Sino-Goguryeo.
  • The Koreanic ancestor to the modern (Sino-)Korean language was certainly the dominant language of Silla when it overthrew Baekje and Goguryeo.  It is not known to what degree Koreanic languages were spoken outside of Silla’s traditional southeastern peninsula territory; they may have been widespread on the peninsula but were very unlikely to have been spoken on the Manchurian continent and so would not have been the dynastic or continental language of Goguryeo.

Sources: Yu Deukgong’s “Nostalgic Reflections of the Twenty-One Capitals” 二十一都懷古詩 (1792) – part 3 of 6

See Introductionpart 1 and part 2.

百濟  Baekje

In the Nanshi (History of the Southern Dynasties 南史) it is written, “Mahan was composed of fifty-four states (國) of which Baekje was one. Later on it gradually became stronger and absorbed the other smaller countries.”

In the Beishi (History of the Northern Dynasties 北史) it is written, “Baekje was a part of Mahan. The country was named Baekje (百 hundred + 濟 to cross) as it was established when a hundred families crossed the river [into the territory]. Its capital fortress was Geobal Fortress (居拔城), also known as Goma Fortress (固麻城).”

In the Samguk-sagi (三國史記) it is written, “The founder of Baekje, King Onjo (溫祚王 r.18 BC–AD 28) established the capital Wirye Fortress (慰禮城) in Hanam (河南). Ten vassals supported the king and so the country’s name was made as Sipje (十濟, 十 ten + 濟 to help). It was the 3rd Hongjia (鴻嘉 홍가) year of Han emperor Cheng (成帝). Later on, commoners gladly came to submit to the king and so the country was renamed Baekje (百濟). Together with Goguryeo, the line of descent traced back to Buyeo, so Buyeo was used as the surname. In the 13th year of King Onjo’s reign, he built a wooden fence at the bottom of Mount Han (漢山) and in the 14th year, moved the capital [there]. In the 5th year of King Gaeru (蓋婁王 r.128–166), the Bukhan-san Fortress (北漢山城) was built and in the 26th year of King Geunchogo (近肖古王 r.346-375), the capital was moved to Mount Han. In the first year of King Munju (文周王 r.475-477), the capital was moved to Ungjin (熊津). Then in the 6th year of King Seong (聖王 r.523–554), the capital was moved to Sabi (泗沘) and the country named South Buyeo (南夫餘).”

In the Munheon-bigo (文獻備考) it is written, “Soburi-gun (所夫里郡) in Baekje was also called Sabi. It is present day Buyeo-hyeon (夫餘縣).”

16
歌樓舞殿向江開  가루무전향강개  平平上去去平平(灰)
半月城頭月影來  반월성두월영래  去入平平入上平
紅㲮𣰆寒眠不得  홍탑등한면부득  平入平平平入入
君王愛在自溫臺  군왕애재자온대  平平去上去平平 

ga ru mu jeon hyang gang gae
ban wol seong du wol yeong rae
hong tap deung han myeon bu deuk
gun wang ae jae ja on dae

A singing pagoda and dancing palace opens towards the river.
The top of Banwol Fortress [refers to Baekje’s last capital Sabi] is silhouetted against the moon.
The red carpet [mattress] is cold and [the king] cannot sleep.
The [last] king [of Baekje, Uija] loved to be on the Jaondae [rock].

Banwol Fortress (半月城): according to the Yeoji-seungnam (輿地勝覽), “Banwol Fortress in Buyeo-hyeon (夫餘縣) was built of stone and 13,006 cheok (尺 1=30cm 3.9km) in circumference. It is the capital of former Baekje. Built hugging the side of Mount Buso (扶蘇山), both ends reach to Baekma River (White Horse River 白馬江) and so it forms the shape of a half moon.”

the Jaondae “self-heating” rock (自溫臺): according to the Yeoji-seungnam (輿地勝覽), “Jaondae is five li to the west of Buyeo-hyeon. The rock is in the water downstream to the west of Nakhwa-am (Falling Flower Rock (落花巖). It is large enough for more than ten people to sit on it. It has been passed down that, ‘When the Baekje king relaxed (遊) on the rock, it became warm by itself.'”

17
落日扶蘇數點峯  낙일부소수점봉  入入平平去上平(冬)
天寒白馬怒濤洶  천한백마노도흉  平平入上去平平
奈何不用成忠策  내하불용성충책  去平入去平平入
却恃江中護國龍  각시강중호국룡  入上平平去入平

nak il bu so su jeom bong
cheon han baek ma no do hyung
nae ha bu yong seong chung chaek
gak si gang jung ho guk ryong

Sun sets [behind] the peaks of Mount Buso [the location of the final royal Baekje fortress].
[Beneath] the cold sky, the White Horse River angrily froths.
How could he fail to hark on loyal vassal Seongchung’s advice?
Yet he believed the dragon in the river would [be enough to] protect his kingdom!

Buso (扶蘇): according to the Yeoji-seungnam (輿地勝覽), “Mount Buso is three li (1.2km) to the north of Buyeo-hyeon. The easternmost peak is called Yeongwol-dae (Moon Welcoming Platform 迎月臺) and the westernmost peak Songwol-dae (Seeing off the Moon Platform 送月臺).”

loyal vassal Seongchung (成忠): according to the Samguk-sagi (三國史記), “In the 16th year of King Uija (義慈王 r.641–660), jwa’pyeong (佐平) Seongchung (d.656) offered up a memorial to the king saying, ‘Having studied the propriety of times, war is certain now to arise. If an invading army comes, do not allow them to cross the Chim-hyeon pass (沈峴) by land or to enter Gibeol-po harbour (岐伐浦) by water. Only through [facing] danger will defence be possible.’ However, the king did not respond. Only when the Tang army bore down upon the fortress did the king lament, ‘I regret I did not listen to Seongchung’s counsel!'”

the dragon would protect the kingdom (護國龍): according to the Yeoji-seungnam (輿地勝覽), “Beneath Mount Buso is a rock which straddles the river and has dragon claw marks in it. It is commonly told that, ‘When Su Dingfang (蘇定方 591–667) invaded Baekje, upon arriving at the river he attempted to cross but powerful wind and rain prevented him; using a white horse as bait, he caught a dragon [from the river] which caused the storm to briefly subside allowing his soldiers to cross. On account of this the river is named Baekma-gang (White Horse River 白馬江), and the stone is called Joryong-dae (Fishing Dragon Platform 釣龍臺).'”

18
雨冷風凄去國愁  우냉풍처거국수  上上平平去入平(尤)
巖花落盡水悠悠  암화낙진수유유  平平入上上平平
泉臺寂寞誰相伴  천대적막수상반  平平入入平平上
同是江南歸命侯  동시강남귀명후  平上平平平去平

u naeng pung cheo geo guk su
am hwa nak jin su yu yu
cheon dae jeok mak su sang ban
dong si gang nam gwi myeong hu

In cold rain and chill wind, it is sad to leave your country.
Flowers [palace women] fell from the rock and expired; the water [now] flows gently by.
The Otherworld is lonely and dreary, who may accompany him [the last Baekje king, Uija] there?
He’ll be together with Sun Hao [Marquess Guiming] on the south bank.

flowers from the rock (巖花): according to the Yeoji-seungnam (輿地勝覽), “Nakhwa-am (Falling Flower Rock (落花巖) is one li north of Buyeo-hyeon. It is commonly told that, ‘When King Uija was defeated by the Tang army, the palace ladies climbed to the top of the rock and jumped into the river and that is how it got its name.'”

Marquess Guiming (歸命侯): according to the Tangshu (唐書), “In the 5th Xianqing year (顯慶 현경, 660) Great General of the Left Defence (左衛大將軍), Su Dingfang, was made Field Marshall of Shenqiu-dao (神邱道行軍總管) and ordered to attack Baekje. Crossing the sea from Mount Seong (城山), Baekje was defending the entrance to Ung-jin harbour (熊津) and so Su Dingfang immediately attacked and destroyed their defenses. Riding on the tide, they advanced and forced the surrender of the fortress. King Uija was captured and sent back to the [Tang] capital (京師) whilst governor-generals (都督) were placed in the five gun (郡) of Ungjin (熊津), Mahan (馬韓), Dongmyeong (東明), Geum’yeon (金漣) and Deok’an (德安). King Uija died of anguish and was given the (Tang?) rank of weiweiqing (‘Minister of the Guards’ 衛尉卿 위위경). His former vassals were permitted to conduct his funeral but ordered by imperial edict to hold the funeral to the left of Sun Hao (孫皓 손호, aka Marquess Guiming, 242–84 n.56) and Chen Shubao’s (陳叔寶, 553–604 n.57) graves [two former corrupt rulers of Wu (吳) and Chen (陳) who had been defeated and taken back to the victor’s capital where they died].

19
浴槃零落涴曣脂  욕반영낙완연지  入平平入 平(支)
石室藏書事可疑  석실장서사가의  入入平平去上平
時見荒原秋草裏  시견황원추초리  平去平平平上上
行人駐馬讀唐碑  행인주마독당비  平平去上入平平

yok ban yeong nak wan yeon ji
seok sil jang seo sa ga wi
si gyeon hwang won chu cho ri
haeng in ju ma dok dang bi

The wash basin is old and worn [but] yeonji make-up stains [remain.]
They say that books were stored in the Stone Room, but this seems doubtful.
At times visible in the autumn grasses of the desolate fields,
Passersby stop their horses and read the Tang stele.

the wash basin (浴槃): according to the Buyeohyeon-ji (Record of Buyeo-hyeon 夫餘縣志), “In the garden of the county office (縣廳) is a stone basin. When public business is conducted at night a pine torch is sometimes lit above it so it has become blackened with soot and cracked; but still a carved lotus flower pattern is faintly [visible]. It is said that this was the wash basin used by the palace ladies of Baekje.”

books stored in the stone room (石室藏書): according to the Buyeohyeon-ji (夫餘縣志), “To the east of Pungjeon-yeok horse station (豊田驛) in Buyeo-hyeon, is a high stone wall which, where it has been broken, has the form of a door; it is called Cheag’am (Book Rock 冊巖). It is commonly said that, ‘In Baekje times this is where books were stored.’ In past times somebody tried to open it and look inside but in spite of it being a clear day thunder rolled and, becoming frightened, they desisted.”

Tang stele (唐碑): according to the Buyeohyeon-ji (夫餘縣志), “Two li to the south of Buyeo-hyeon is a stone pagoda which has carved on it, ‘Stone [commemorating] the subjugation of Baekje by the Great Tang, erected on the 15th day of the 8th month in the 5th year of Xianqing (顯慶 현경), Gengshen (庚申 경신), Guiwei (癸未 계미). It was made by Jian-shi of Ling-zhou (陵州長史) Bingcao-panshu (‘Minister of War’ 兵曹判書) He Suiliang (賀遂亮 하수량) and written by Quan Huaisu (權懷素 권회소) of Luo-zhou (落州) in Henan (河南).’ It records the exploits of Su Dingfang. The calligraphy is pianli-ti style (駢儷體 변려체) and, being written well, is naturally the best example of calligraphy on old stones found in Korea. There is another commemorative stone three li (1.2km) north of Buyeo-hyeon that records the exploits of Liu RenYuan (劉仁願 유인원 n.59) but the middle section has broken off and many of the characters are worn.”

彌鄒忽  Michuhol [modern day Incheon]

In the Samguk-sagi (三國史記) it is written, “When Jumong escaped from North Buyeo (北夫餘) and came to Jolbon Buyeo (卒本夫餘), the Buyeo king married his daughter to Jumong. Upon the death of the Buyeo king, Jumong ascended to the throne and had two sons named Biryu (沸流) and Onjo (溫祚). Jumong’s son previously born in North Buyeo arrived and was made crown prince. Fearing that they would not be accepted by the crown prince, Biryu and Onjo, together with ten vassals including Ogan (烏干) and Maryeo (馬黎), moved south and were followed by many subjects. Arriving at Mount Han (漢山) they climbed up Bu’a-ak peak (負兒岳, present day Insu-bong peak on Bukhan-san said to have resembled a parent carrying a child on their back and thus named as such, n60) and looked out over land [that appeared] suitable for living, but Biryu wanted to live by the sea, whereupon his ten retainers said, ‘Only here, in Hanam (河南) is the north bordered by the Han-su river (漢水), the east protected by high mountains, the south overlooking fertile land and the west ending in the ocean. What better place could there be to establish your capital?’ But Biryu did not listen and divided their followers; Biryu went on to Michuhol whilst Onjo established his capital at Wirye Fortress (慰禮城) in Hanam. In Michuhol the land was damp and the water salty. Unable to live there Biryu returned to Wirye Fortress, and finding it stable and the people peaceful he became regretful before dying.”

In the Yeoji-ji (Geographical Records 輿地志) it is written, “Ten li (4km) to the south of current day Incheon-bu (仁川府) there is a large grave at the top of Haepyeong (海坪). The perimeter wall remains intact; the stone grave statues (石人, 망두석) lying face down are especially big. It is said that this is the grave of the king of Michu.”

20
浿上悲歌別弟兄  패상비가별제형  去去平平入去平(庚)
登山臨水汨南征  등산임수골남정  平平平上上平平
三韓地劣姜肱被  삼한지열강굉피  平平去入平平上
休築崢嶸恚忿城  휴축쟁영에분성  平入去平 去平

pae sang bi ga byeol je hyeong
deung san im su gol nam jeong
sam han ji yeol gang goeng pi
hyu chuk jaeng yeong e bun seong

Above the waters of Pae the brothers parted with a sad song.
Climbing the mountain and looking down upon the water [Biryu] became infatuated with the southern road.
The land of the Three Han could not match the bed clothes of Jianggong (姜肱 강굉) [refers to Jianggong of the Eastern Han (東漢), who loved his two younger brothers Zhonghai (仲海) and Jijiang (季江) and would sleep under the same blanket, n61.]
So Biryu should not have [attempted] to build his towering Resentment Fortress.

Resentment Fortress (恚忿城 에분성): according to the Yeoji-ji (輿地志), “To the south of current day Incheon-bu is a mountain named South Mountain (南山) It is also know as Mount Munhak (文鶴山) and there is a fortress built on it. It is said that this is the place of Biryu’s capital and because he died of resentment, it was called Ebun-seong (Resentment Fortress).”

Continue to part 4..

Sources: Samguk-sagi biographies – Sona 素那

The account of Sona is the 24th of fifty biographies included in Kim Busik’s Samguk-sagi (三國史記).

Sona  素那  소나

Sona, also called Kim Cheon (金川), was from Sasan (蛇山 ‘Snake Mountain’) in Baekseong county (白城郡 ‘White Fortress’) [of Silla]. His father was Simna (沈那), also called Hwangcheon (煌川), whose physical strength (膂) surpassed [all] others but whose body was [at once] light and agile. Sasan straddled the border with Baekje and so they continuously attacked one another without a quiet month (虛月). Whenever Simna went out to battle there were no strong [enemy] camps that could face him.

During the Inpyeong era (仁平, the second reign era of Queen Seondeok, 634-48) [Silla] sent out troops from Baekseong to go and attack (往抄?) a Baekje border town (邑). [In response] Baekje sent out elite soldiers and they fought furiously (急). Our [Silla] troops were thrown into disorder and retreated. [But] Simna stood alone gripping his sword. With angry eyes and wild shouting he hacked down several tens of men [such] that the [Baekje] bandits did not dare to face [him] (當). Eventually the [Baekje commanders] pulled back their soldiers and fled. [From a distance] the Baekje men pointed at Simna saying, “The flying general (飛將) of Silla!”  And they said to one another, “[As long as] Simna is alive, do not go near Baekseong!”

Sona had the [same] heroic (雄豪) character (風) as his father. After the downfall of Baekje, Prince Yu (儒公), the governor of Hanju province (漢州), requested to the king to transfer Sona to Adal Fortress (阿達城) to strengthen the defence of the northern border (北鄙).

In the second year of Sangwon (上元), Eulhae (乙亥 675), spring, the geupchan (級飡 ninth degree rank) chief magistrate (太守) of Adal Fortress, [named] Hanseon (漢宣), had the commoners all go out on a certain day to plant hemp[!] and [they] were unable to ignore this command. A Malgal (靺鞨) spy learnt of this (認) and returned to report it to his chief (酋長). When the day arrived, all of the commoners went out of the fortress into the fields. [But] the Malgal had secretly [led] soldiers and suddenly entered the fortress, plundering it whole. The old and young were in a difficult situation and did not know what would become of themselves. [Whereupon] Sona brandishing his sword confronted the [Malgal] bandits and loudly cried out, “Know ye that Silla has Sona the son of Simna! I have absolutely no fear of death with [any] plan of living. Will those who want to fight come forward!?”

Enraged he charged into the bandits [but] they did not dare to approach him and only shot arrows. Sona shot back [such that the] flying arrows were like a swarm of bees. [They continued like this] from the Jin hour (辰時 7-9am) until the Yu hour (酉時 5-7pm) [until] Sona’s body [was pierced with so many] arrows he looked like a hedgehog and finally he collapsed and died.

Sona’s wife was the daughter of the respected household (良家) of Garimgun (加林郡). When at first the enemy country (敵國) had been close to Adal Fortress, [Sona] had gone alone making his wife stay at home. When the county folk heard of Sona’s death they [tried to] console her. His wife cried but said to them, “My husband always said, ‘A great man must die in battle (兵死). How can one lie in bed and die housebound (死家人之手 lit. ‘die [with?/by?] the hands of a house person’)?!’ Throughout his life his words were such. Now he has died according to this will.”

[Upon] hearing this the great king shed tears [until] the collar [of his robe] was wet and said, “Father and son were valiant in their service to the kingdom. [This is] loyalty and virtue across generations!”

[He posthumously] awarded [Sona] the rank of japchan (迊飡 third rank).